A yearly event that contributes money towards the continued operation of the Saskatchewan Roughrider (CFL) Football Club.
Ku Klux Klan - Wikipedia. The Ku Klux Klan (KKK), or simply . It sought to overthrow the Republican state governments in the South during the Reconstruction Era, especially by using violence against African American leaders. With numerous chapters across the South, it was suppressed around 1.
Members made their own, often colorful, costumes: robes, masks, and conical hats, designed to be terrifying, and to hide their identities. It was rooted in local Protestant communities and opposed Catholics and Jews, and stressed opposition to the Catholic Church. They focused on opposition to the Civil Rights Movement, often using violence and murder to suppress activists. It is classified as a hate group by the Anti- Defamation League and the Southern Poverty Law Center.
The manual of rituals was printed by Laps D. The members had conjured up a veritable Frankenstein. They had played with an engine of power and mystery, though organized on entirely innocent lines, and found themselves overcome by a belief that something must lie behind it all. For example, Confederate veteran John W. Morton founded a chapter in Nashville, Tennessee.
In 1. 87. 0 and 1. Enforcement Acts, which were successfully enforced in prosecuting and suppressing Klan crimes. It seriously weakened the black political establishment through its use of assassinations and threats of violence; it drove some people out of politics.
On the other hand, it caused a sharp backlash, with passage of federal laws that historian Eric Foner says were a success in terms of . Rable argues that the Klan was a political failure and therefore was discarded by the Democratic leaders of the South. He says: the Klan declined in strength in part because of internal weaknesses; its lack of central organization and the failure of its leaders to control criminal elements and sadists. More fundamentally, it declined because it failed to achieve its central objective . In 1. 91. 5, the second Klan was founded in Atlanta, Georgia.
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Starting in 1. 92. The national headquarters made its profit through a monopoly of costume sales, while the organizers were paid through initiation fees. It grew rapidly nationwide at a time of prosperity.
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Reflecting the social tensions pitting urban versus rural America, it spread to every state and was prominent in many cities. The second KKK preached . Its official rhetoric focused on the threat of the Catholic Church, using anti- Catholicism and nativism. At its peak in the mid- 1.
Internal divisions, criminal behavior by leaders, and external opposition brought about a collapse in membership, which had dropped to about 3. It finally faded away in the 1. During this period, they often forged alliances with Southern police departments, as in Birmingham, Alabama; or with governor's offices, as with George Wallace of Alabama.
Today, researchers estimate that there may be 1. Klan chapters with upwards of 5,0. Tuscaloosa, Alabama, Independent Monitor, September 1, 1. A full- scale scholarly history analyzes the cartoon.
Hubbs, Searching for Freedom after the Civil War: Klansman, Carpetbagger, Scalawag, and Freedman (2. The Ku Klux Klan was one of a number of secret, oath- bound organizations using violence, which included the Southern Cross in New Orleans (1. Knights of the White Camelia (1.
Louisiana. In 1. 86. Mississippi Governor William L. Sharkey reported that disorder, lack of control, and lawlessness were widespread; in some states armed bands of Confederate soldiers roamed at will. The Klan used public violence against black people and their allies as intimidation. They burned houses, and attacked and killed black people, leaving their bodies on the roads. Since most of the Klan's members were veterans, they were used to such military hierarchy, but the Klan never operated under this centralized structure. Local chapters and bands were highly independent.
Former Confederate Brigadier General George Gordon developed the Prescript, which espoused white supremacist belief. For instance, an applicant should be asked if he was in favor of . Confederate General Nathan Bedford Forrest became Grand Wizard, claiming to be the Klan's national leader.
There were never hierarchical levels or state headquarters. Klan members used violence to settle old personal feuds and local grudges, as they worked to restore general white dominance in the disrupted postwar society. The historian Elaine Frantz Parsons describes the membership: Lifting the Klan mask revealed a chaotic multitude of antiblack vigilante groups, disgruntled poor white farmers, wartime guerrilla bands, displaced Democratic politicians, illegal whiskey distillers, coercive moral reformers, sadists, rapists, white workmen fearful of black competition, employers trying to enforce labor discipline, common thieves, neighbors with decades- old grudges, and even a few freedmen and white Republicans who allied with Democratic whites or had criminal agendas of their own. Indeed, all they had in common, besides being overwhelmingly white, southern, and Democratic, was that they called themselves, or were called, Klansmen. Its purposes were political, but political in the broadest sense, for it sought to affect power relations, both public and private, throughout Southern society. It aimed to reverse the interlocking changes sweeping over the South during Reconstruction: to destroy the Republican party's infrastructure, undermine the Reconstruction state, reestablish control of the black labor force, and restore racial subordination in every aspect of Southern life.
Those political leaders assassinated during the campaign included Arkansas Congressman James M. Hinds, three members of the South Carolina legislature, and several men who served in constitutional conventions.
Many of them operated in small towns and rural areas where people otherwise knew each other's faces, and sometimes still recognized the attackers by voice and mannerisms. Few freedmen took such nonsense seriously. When they killed black political leaders, they also took heads of families, along with the leaders of churches and community groups, because these people had many roles in society. Agents of the Freedmen's Bureau reported weekly assaults and murders of blacks. They drove successful black farmers off their land. More than 2,0. 00 persons were killed, wounded and otherwise injured in Louisiana within a few weeks prior to the Presidential election of November 1. Landry Parish had a registered Republican majority of 1,0.
Republicans voted in the fall elections. White Democrats cast the full vote of the parish for President Grant's opponent. The KKK killed and wounded more than 2. Republicans, hunting and chasing them through the woods.
Thirteen captives were taken from jail and shot; a half- buried pile of 2. The KKK made people vote Democratic and gave them certificates of the fact. By the November presidential election, Klan intimidation led to suppression of the Republican vote and only one person voted for Ulysses S. Freedmen's Bureau records provided a detailed recounting of Klansmen's beatings and murders of freedmen and their white allies. In Mississippi, according to the Congressional inquiry. Each man wore a long white robe and his face was covered by a loose mask with scarlet stripes.
She was ordered to get up and dress which she did at once and then admitted to her room the captain and lieutenant who in addition to the usual disguise had long horns on their heads and a sort of device in front. The lieutenant had a pistol in his hand and he and the captain sat down while eight or ten men stood inside the door and the porch was full.
She heeded the warning and left the county. By 1. 86. 8, two years after the Klan's creation, its activity was beginning to decrease. Many influential southern Democrats feared that Klan lawlessness provided an excuse for the federal government to retain its power over the South, and they began to turn against it. They put an end to violence by threatening Klansmen with reprisals unless they stopped whipping Unionists and burning black churches and schools. Armed blacks formed their own defense in Bennettsville, South Carolina and patrolled the streets to protect their homes.
They accumulated 1. In February, former Union General and Congressman Benjamin Franklin Butler of Massachusetts introduced the Civil Rights Act of 1. Ku Klux Klan Act). This added to the enmity that southern white Democrats bore toward him.
The Governor of South Carolina appealed for federal troops to assist his efforts in keeping control of the state. A riot and massacre in a Meridian, Mississippi, courthouse were reported, from which a black state representative escaped only by taking to the woods. Grant to suspend habeas corpus. Grant signed Butler's legislation. The Ku Klux Klan Act was used by the Federal government, together with the Enforcement Act of 1. Under the 1. 87. 1 Klan Act, after the Klan refused to voluntarily dissolve, Grant issued a suspension of habeas corpus, and stationed Federal troops in nine South Carolina counties.
The Klansmen were apprehended and prosecuted in federal court. Judges Hugh Lennox Bond and George S. Bryan presided over the trial of KKK members in Columbia, South Carolina during December 1. It was difficult for observers to judge its membership. Klan members were prosecuted, and many fled from areas that were under federal government jurisdiction, particularly in South Carolina. Forrest called for the Klan to disband in 1.
Klan was . Combined with extensive violence and fraud at the polls, the Republicans lost their majority in the state legislature. Disaffection with Holden's actions led to white Democratic legislators' impeaching Holden and removing him from office, but their reasons were numerous. Attorney General Amos Tappan Ackerman led the prosecutions. So ended the Reconstruction career of the Ku Klux Klan. Harris that the Klan Act was partially unconstitutional.
Obama believes that the Manichaeanism, and eloquently rendered bellicosity, commonly associated with Churchill were justified by Hitler. But he also thinks rhetoric should be weaponized sparingly, if at all, in today. The president believes that Churchillian rhetoric and, more to the point, Churchillian habits of thought, helped bring his predecessor, George W. Bush, to ruinous war in Iraq. Obama entered the White House bent on getting out of Iraq and Afghanistan; he was not seeking new dragons to slay.
And he was particularly mindful of promising victory in conflicts he believed to be unwinnable. Kerry, like Obama himself, was horrified by the sins committed by the Syrian regime in its attempt to put down a two- year- old rebellion. In the Damascus suburb of Ghouta nine days earlier, Assad. The strong sentiment inside the Obama administration was that Assad had earned dire punishment.
In Situation Room meetings that followed the attack on Ghouta, only the White House chief of staff, Denis Mc. Donough, cautioned explicitly about the perils of intervention. John Kerry argued vociferously for action. A year earlier, when the administration suspected that the Assad regime was contemplating the use of chemical weapons, Obama had declared: .
That would change my calculus. That would change my equation. Late in the summer of 2.
Assad. But as Assad clung to power, Obama. After several months of deliberation, he authorized the CIA to train and fund Syrian rebels, but he also shared the outlook of his former defense secretary, Robert Gates, who had routinely asked in meetings, .
Power, who during this period served on the National Security Council staff, is the author of a celebrated book excoriating a succession of U. S. The book, A Problem From Hell, published in 2.
Obama to Power while he was in the U. S. Senate, though the two were not an obvious ideological match. Power is a partisan of the doctrine known as . She lobbied him to endorse this doctrine in the speech he delivered when he accepted the Nobel Peace Prize in 2. Obama generally does not believe a president should place American soldiers at great risk in order to prevent humanitarian disasters, unless those disasters pose a direct security threat to the United States. Power sometimes argued with Obama in front of other National Security Council officials, to the point where he could no longer conceal his frustration.
Bush and, in particular, of Bush. Bush and Scowcroft removed Saddam Hussein. As Obama was writing his campaign manifesto, The Audacity of Hope, in 2. Susan Rice, then an informal adviser, felt it necessary to remind him to include at least one line of praise for the foreign policy of President Bill Clinton, to partially balance the praise he showered on Bush and Scowcroft. At the outset of the Syrian uprising, in early 2. Power argued that the rebels, drawn from the ranks of ordinary citizens, deserved America.
Others noted that the rebels were farmers and doctors and carpenters, comparing these revolutionaries to the men who won America. Obama would say privately that the first task of an American president in the post- Bush international arena was . Hillary Clinton, when she was Obama. In 2. 01. 4, after she left office, Clinton told me that .
The president did not understand how . Ben Rhodes recalls that ?
In his first term, he came to believe that only a handful of threats in the Middle East conceivably warranted direct U. S. These included the threat posed by al. The danger to the United States posed by the Assad regime did not rise to the level of these challenges. Given Obama. Even his own advisers were surprised. I was told that Vice President Joe Biden repeatedly warned Obama against drawing a red line on chemical weapons, fearing that it would one day have to be enforced. They are watching to see if Syria can get away with it, because then maybe they too can put the world at greater risk.
And that is a danger to our national security. Assad, it seemed, had succeeded in pushing the president to a place he never thought he would have to go. Obama generally believes that the Washington foreign- policy establishment, which he secretly disdains, makes a fetish of . The preservation of credibility, he says, led to Vietnam. Within the White House, Obama would argue that .
At a joint press conference with Obama at the White House the previous May, David Cameron, the British prime minister, had said, . The Saudi ambassador in Washington at the time, Adel al- Jubeir, told friends, and his superiors in Riyadh, that the president was finally ready to strike. French President Fran.
All week, White House officials had publicly built the case that Assad had committed a crime against humanity. In the days after the gassing of Ghouta, Obama would later tell me, he found himself recoiling from the idea of an attack unsanctioned by international law or by Congress. The American people seemed unenthusiastic about a Syria intervention; so too did one of the few foreign leaders Obama respects, Angela Merkel, the German chancellor. She told him that her country would not participate in a Syria campaign. And in a stunning development, on Thursday, August 2.
British Parliament denied David Cameron its blessing for an attack. John Kerry later told me that when he heard that, . Clapper, the chief of an intelligence community traumatized by its failures in the run- up to the Iraq War, was not going to overpromise, in the manner of the onetime CIA director George Tenet, who famously guaranteed George W. But his doubts were growing. Late on Friday afternoon, Obama determined that he was simply not prepared to authorize a strike. He asked Mc. Donough, his chief of staff, to take a walk with him on the South Lawn of the White House. Obama did not choose Mc.
Donough randomly: He is the Obama aide most averse to U. S. He and Mc. Donough stayed outside for an hour. Obama told him he was worried that Assad would place civilians as . He also pointed out an underlying flaw in the proposed strike: U. S. A strike would target military units that had delivered these weapons, but not the weapons themselves.
Obama also shared with Mc. Donough a long- standing resentment: He was tired of watching Washington unthinkingly drift toward war in Muslim countries. Four years earlier, the president believed, the Pentagon had . Now, on Syria, he was beginning to feel jammed again. When the two men came back to the Oval Office, the president told his national- security aides that he planned to stand down.
There would be no attack the next day; he wanted to refer the matter to Congress for a vote. Aides in the room were shocked.
Susan Rice, now Obama. Others had difficulty fathoming how the president could reverse himself the day before a planned strike. Obama, however, was completely calm. He listed the practical worries that had preoccupied him. A second major factor was the failure of Cameron to obtain the consent of his parliament. The prime minister of France, Manuel Valls, told me that his government was already worried about the consequences of earlier inaction in Syria when word came of the stand- down. Working with the Americans, we had already seen the targets.
It was a great surprise. If we had bombed as was planned, I think things would be different today. The king of Jordan, Abdullah II. They had never trusted Obama. John Mc. Cain and Lindsey Graham, the two leading Republican hawks in the Senate, had met with Obama in the White House earlier in the week and had been promised an attack. They were angered by the about- face.
Damage was done even inside the administration. Neither Chuck Hagel, then the secretary of defense, nor John Kerry was in the Oval Office when the president informed his team of his thinking. Kerry would not learn about the change until later that evening. I figured the president had a reason to make a decision and, honestly, I understood his notion. The president asked Congress to authorize the use of force. When I spoke with Biden recently about the red- line decision, he made special note of this fact.
He had his doubts at that point, but he knew that if he was going to do anything, he better damn well have the public with him, or it would be a very short ride. Do we not go in and rescue?. At the G2. 0 summit in St.
Petersburg, which was held the week after the Syria reversal, Obama pulled Putin aside, he recalled to me, and told the Russian president . But today that decision is a source of deep satisfaction for him.
The perception was that my credibility was at stake, that America. And so for me to press the pause button at that moment, I knew, would cost me politically. And the fact that I was able to pull back from the immediate pressures and think through in my own mind what was in America? When it comes to the use of military power. And the playbook prescribes responses to different events, and these responses tend to be militarized responses. Where America is directly threatened, the playbook works. But the playbook can also be a trap that can lead to bad decisions.
In the midst of an international challenge like Syria, you get judged harshly if you don. He resented military leaders who believed they could fix any problem if the commander in chief would simply give them what they wanted, and he resented the foreign- policy think- tank complex. A widely held sentiment inside the White House is that many of the most prominent foreign- policy think tanks in Washington are doing the bidding of their Arab and pro- Israel funders. Gideon Rose, the editor of Foreign Affairs, wrote recently that Obama. Or it could be remembered as the day he let the Middle East slip from America. At the time, I was familiar mainly with the text of a speech he had delivered four years earlier, at a Chicago antiwar rally. It was an unusual speech for an antiwar rally in that it was not antiwar; Obama, who was then an Illinois state senator, argued only against one specific and, at the time, still theoretical, war.